The Reconstruction of Ukraine. Ruination / Representation / Solidarity, online symposium, September 9-11, 2022. “The Reconstruction of Ukraine: Ruination / Representation / Solidarity” devotes particular attention to cities, architecture, art, culture and psychological trauma – but the scope of the conversations it aims to start is broader. In due course, the discussions held during the symposium may coalesce into myriad projects, initiatives and experiments undertaken by government institutions, municipalities, educational and cultural bodies and other more interstitial actors. The ambition of this symposium is to establish a platform for dialogue, facilitating communication, collaboration and constructive argument between diverse actors and initiatives.

George Edwards (Zetkin Collective) on war, nationalism and the „anti-climate lobby“ (via Arts of the Working Class): „The latest prognosis of this particular war was spelt out in a flurry of reports from the IPCC; the most recent, described as ‚an atlas of human suffering‘ by the chief of the UN, demanded ‚rapid, deep and immediate‘ emissions cuts in all sectors to ensure an inhabitable planet for all. In step with the science, many wish this conflict to mark the beginning of an intensified programme of decarbonization, ridding economies of not only Russian, but all fossil fuels, wherever their geological source. But whilst political leaders scramble abroad to secure new sources of fossil fuels – sweet-talking sheiks and summoning LNG terminals from the ground – a resourceful and committed cohort, let’s call them the anti-climate lobby, refuse to accept this diagnosis. The partakers in the fossil industry have seized upon this crisis, sensing it as an opportunity to enlarge and entrench economic interests rooted in fossil fuels. As the course of action prescribed by the IPCC imperils this line of business, the attempts to secure fresh investments in fossil fuel infrastructures, to lock-in production and secure profits for the coming decades may feel all the more pressing. The solutions they pose also fit within the national frame and it is with nationalist political forces that they find their most ardent allies.“


The fundamental difference that we face in Europe at the moment between the Western approach characterized by the pursuit of peace and the Eastern one focused on liberation and independence poses a dramatic challenge – in order to survive and progress, democracy as a political regime has to be capable of defending itself also in a military way.“ Armed Democracy revolves around the concepts of imperialism, liberation, fascism, autocracy, revolution, and militarization in pursuit of the world to come on Europe’s burnt out land. Conceived by the Kyiv Biennial and Biennale Warszawa from the East Europe Biennial Alliance, this special public program, curated by Vasyl Cherepanyn within the 2nd edition of Biennale Warszawa, the program is a first part of the series organized by the East Europe Biennial Alliance discussing Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine and taking place in Warsaw, Prague, Kassel, and Riga over the summer and fall of 2022.

Olena Lyubchenko on Whiteness, Expropriation, War, and Social Reproduction in Ukraine (via LeftEast): „[…] when we hear on the news that ‘Ukraine is fighting a European war’ and ‘Ukraine is defending Europe’, amid images of fleeing ‘poor white’ women with children prioritized over racialized ‘Others’, ‘Ukraine’ is being made ‘white’ in the global imaginary. That is, „the injunction to ‘return to Europe’ by way of Europeanization is enabled and conditioned on the mythologies of Western civilization, and that Europeanization at once marks (promulgates) and unmarks (naturalizes) racial whiteness” [Nadezhda Husakouskaya and Randi Gressgård]. The paradox is that Europe’s existence as such has only been possible precisely because of the exploitation of global working peoples through expropriation of resources and today neoliberal economic reforms and reproduced by feminized labour.“

Vasyl Cherepanyn about the „inertness, hiding behind the European Wall“ (via L’Internationale): „Many Western institutions that have been claiming ‚radical political engagement‘ for years, have simply resorted to a white cube radicalism and self-satisfying humanitarianism, too afraid of acting politically beyond their comfort zone and unsettling their publics and authorities by attempting to affect the decision-making process regarding the Ukrainian cause.“


Tatsiana Shchurko on the War in Ukraine, Entangled Imperialisms, and Transnational Feminist Solidarity, via LeftEast (May 2, 2022): „[An] uneven knowledge production and the many implications of the war against Ukraine reveal the dire need to develop a feminist anti-capitalist critique of multiple imperialisms. This language should grow from within the occupied and suppressed communities of Eastern Europe and Eurasia. An anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist feminist positionality grasps that the local is part of a global in an effort to build transnational connections of mutual aid and support against state and corporate violence. For example, statements of solidarity with Ukraine expressed by the International Committee of Indigenous Peoples of Russia and Native American communities along with the anti-war feminist march in Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan) on March 8, 2022, pointing out that the war in Ukraine should be of concern for a broad transnational community, may serve as instrumental examples of alternative anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist solidarities that stretch beyond state regulations and macro-politics and foreground decolonial perspectives, necessary in addressing entanglements of multiple imperialisms. Such solidarities also bring to light hidden interconnections of the past that allowed for distant communities to survive and support each other against the violence of imperialist intervention and its attendant capitalist exploitation. Thus, the march in Bishkek reminds of the socialist roots of the International Women’s Day to call for internationalist, intersectional, class solidarity against imperialism and militarism.“

Vasyl Cherepanyn on that „It’ll take more than tanks to ease Germany’s guilt“ (via Politico): „Since the Soviet Union’s collapse, Germany has been imposing neocolonial optics on its Eastern European ‚peripheries,‘ and on the post-Soviet space in particular, where Ukraine was long considered a gray buffer zone about which the EU was ‚deeply concerned.‘ Germany didn’t bother itself much with differentiating between former Soviet countries’ pasts. Even until recently, any Ukrainian agenda in Germany was often ‚balanced‘ with a Russian perspective, so as to not exclude the latter by any means.“

An unnamed anarchist and art scholar, who joined the Territorial Defense Forces, quoted by Olexii Kuchanskyi in an essay on „Digital Leviathan and His Nuclear Tail“ (via Your Art and e-flux notes): „At dawn, Dima and I talked about cinema. Dima believes that cinema is inferior to literature as a means of expression because you spend much more time with a book than a film. It’s a really interesting point, something to dig into. I studied at the department of art theory & history and I never thought of it. Dima served in the military after school and worked at the factory all his life. He listens to rap, smokes pot, and tries to have fun. He is thirty-eight, his child was born last year. He likes Wong Kar-wai and is a fan of Asian cinema in general. Dima communicates by quoting Omar Khayyam, Confucius, and other awesome guys.“

mehrweniger Kurznews

Das Harun Farocki Institut (HaFI) ist eine gemeinnützige, 2015 errichtete Treuhandstiftung. Seine satzungsgemäßen Organe sind der Institutsvorstand, der Institutsrat und ein in Entstehung begriffener Freundeskreis. Den Vorstand bilden Tom Holert, Doreen Mende, Clio Nicastro und Volker Pantenburg. Die Mitglieder des Institutsrats sind zur Zeit Antje Ehmann, Anselm Franke, Holger Glinka, Christian Petzold, Doina Popescu, Stefanie Schulte Strathaus und Bertold Schmidt-Thomé. Das operative Tagesgeschäft leitet Elsa de Seynes.

Die Idee für die Gründung eines Instituts in und mit Harun Farockis Namen entstand bald nach Farockis plötzlichem Tod im Sommer 2014. Dass die Lücke, die er hinterließ, nicht zu schließen war, ist allen Beteiligten bewusst gewesen. Aber mit seiner schmerzenden Abwesenheit verband sich eine Verpflichtung, die als ebenso tröstlich wie produktiv empfunden werden konnte. Das große, internationale Netzwerk aus Familie, Freund*innen, Mitarbeiter*innen und Kooperationspartner*innen sollte mit dem Institut ein Medium, eine Anlaufstelle und eine Organisationsform erhalten.

Die Gründung des HaFI ist mit dem Ziel verknüpft, Formen des theoretischen und visuellen Arbeitens zu entwickeln, die an das Denken und die filmische Praxis Harun Farockis anschließen, um von dort aus weiterzugehen. Die Prinzipien und Verfahren des Essayfilms, der marxistischen Bildanalyse, der Aktivierung von Bildern für eine genuin visuelle Forschung, der Beobachtung von Arbeit, der Alphabetisierung des filmischen Sehens, der Analyse der Subjektivierung in technisch-militärischen Dispositiven oder der Kritik an den Produktionsverhältnissen von Film, Fernsehen und anderen visuellen Industrien bilden die Basis, auf der das HaFI eigene Projekte konzipiert und durchführt.

Das HaFI ist maßgeblich auf ehrenamtliches Engagement angewiesen. Ein kleines Büro im silent green Kulturquartier bildet die Basisstation. Momentan kann sich HaFI eine halbe Geschäftsführerstelle leisten. Entsprechend müssen wir unsere Vorhaben dimensionieren. Wir bemühen uns, auf Anfragen zu reagieren und dem Interesse an Harun Farocki und an unserer Arbeit gerecht zu werden, bitten aber um Verständnis, wenn Antworten etwas Zeit brauchen.

Sukzessive erschließt das HaFI den Nachlass von Harun Farocki, der sich zum Teil bereits in unmittelbarer Institutsnähe in einem separaten Bereich der neuen Archiv-Räume des Arsenal – Institut für Film und Videokunst im silent green Kulturquartier befindet. Dieser Prozess geht mit der Erarbeitung eines kompletten Werkverzeichnisses einher, das neben den Filmen, Fernseh- und Videoarbeiten auch Farockis Texte und Radiostücke umfassen wird.

Forschungsprojekte des Instituts stehen einerseits im unmittelbaren Zusammenhang zur archivalischen Arbeit am Nachlass, entwickeln sich andererseits aber auch in Anlehnung und Fortführung bestimmter Fragestellungen und Methodologien, die wir mit Farockis Praxis in Verbindung bringen. Solche Forschung kann sich in Ausstellungen, Text- und Bildproduktion auf der Website, kleineren Drucksachen, öffentlichen Gesprächen, Screenings und anderen Formen des Pädagogischen äußern.

Darüber hinaus nominiert das HaFI in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Goethe Institut einmal im Jahr eine(n) Farocki Resident.

Filme, Videos und Installationen von Harun Farocki können weiterhin über die Harun Farocki GbR direkt angefragt werden. Aber fallweise können diejenigen Aufgaben, die die Kapazität der kleinen, von Harun Farocki und Antje Ehmann gegründeten Filmproduktion, die nach seinem Tod als Harun Farocki GbR von Antje Ehmann, Anna Faroqhi und Lara Faroqhi gemeinsam weitergeführt wird, übersteigen, durch das Harun Farocki Institut übernommen werden.