The underlying (Journal of Visual Culture & HaFI, 25)

This is the twenty-fifth instalment of a collaborative effort by the Journal of Visual Culture and the Harun Farocki Institut, initiated by the COVID-19 crisis. The call sent to JVC’s editorial board, and a wide selection of previous contributors and members of its extended communities, described the task as follows: “There is a lot of spontaneous, ad hoc opinion-making and premature commentary around, as to be expected. However, the ethics and politics of artistic and theoretical practice to be pursued in this situation should oblige us to stay cautious and to intervene with care in the discussion. As one of JVC’s editors, Brooke Belisle, explains: ‘We are not looking for sensationalism, but rather, moments of reflection that: make connections between what’s happening now and the larger intellectual contexts that our readership shares; offer small ways to be reflective and to draw on tools we have and things we know instead of just feeling numb and overwhelmed; help serve as intellectual community for one another while we are isolated; support the work of being thoughtful and trying to find/make meaning…which is always a collective endeavour, even if we are forced to be apart.'” TH




The underlying

By Elisa Adami


A slew of new words and expressions has entered our vocabulary in the past few months. Some come with clear-cut angles and marked spatial-temporal boundaries: lockdown, red-zone, quarantine, self-isolation, iso-pod. Others stretch into a hazy limbo – furlough – or combine into oxymoronic pairs – social distancing. Vital supplies nestle in unimposing acronyms like PPE, yet the word’s handy brevity does not make their shortages any less conspicuous. Meanwhile those who were previously deemed low-skilled are overnight upgraded to the status of key workers – but do not expect any improvement in pay or working conditions in return!

Unassuming and modest, the adjective underlying has started appearing in insistent combination with words such as health conditions or medical issues (see Merriam-Webster’s automatically selected sentences reflecting current usage). In its new blanket use, underlying points to medical conditions, chronic illnesses and disabilities that, in combination with age, we are told, are the real factors determining the death of thousands of people from the virus. This virus hits disproportionately the elderly and the vulnerable, we are assured. The garb of statistical fact is used here to cloak a eugenic claim, a social Darwinist worldview. The underlying singles out a group of people whose death it is meant to make somehow justifiable, socially acceptable and, to some, reassuring. It serves to separate and sort out people along the lines of an ideal, normative scale of able-bodiedness, no matter how unreal that ideal actually is.

In this, the underlying is close to the Gallicism triage, another word which has seen a recent surge in popularity. In its original meaning, triage denotes the act of sorting items, such as coffee beans, according to their quality. In the dictionary of military hospitals, where it has been in use since World War I, it indicates the sorting of wounded soldiers into groups according to the severity of their injuries. In the management of the current pandemic, triage or triage-like practices were applied in hospitals, care homes and the community at large, to redirect precious but insufficient resources – depleted by more than a decade of austerity – to patients with a greater chance of survival: predominantly young and with no serious underlying conditions.

The idea of a class of people with underlying conditions is close to the notion of risk group that Susan Sontag discusses in AIDS and Its metaphors. The ‘neutral-sounding, bureaucratic category’, as Sontag writes, inadvertently ‘revives the archaic idea of a tainted community that illness has judged.’ (46) Underlying conditions is a vague expression, indefinite enough to ward off scrutiny, capacious enough to contain whichever ‘fault’ does not conform with the abstract notion of a perfectly healthy and functioning body. Indicating what lies ‘beneath or below’ or what is ‘basic and fundamental’, underlying conditions are invisible, tucked away in deep structures, manifested only in the sudden flare of symptoms – a rash on the skin, a spike in deaths. Like the virus, they are undetectable to the naked eye. Although, in its current use, underlying conditions remains specific to medical practice, for it to be truthful, its scope should rather be stretched to include all those interlocking structures of discriminations that shape life in contemporary capitalist societies – race, class, work, gender, sexuality, money, education, able-bodiedness.

The language we use, the language we are given, is a mirror of what Johanna Hedva calls the ‘world’s ableism’. A pandemic disables ‘normal’ life; it suddenly makes what was easy, accessible and ordinary, hard, out of reach and odd. Except that such ‘normal’ life has never been easy or accessible, ordinary or indeed normal for the chronically ill and/or disabled. ‘The world’s ableism’, Hedva writes, ‘has always been a thing, it’s just now getting closer to those who normally don’t feel it.’ What will we do with this newfound knowledge?

Hedva urges us to confront the ableist biases not just in our everyday language, but in the language we use to protest against it too. Slogans like ‘take to the streets’ or ‘occupy the square’ will always exclude those bodies who are too sick to get out of bed. Now that we are all home bound or have been (at least those of us lucky enough to have a roof), it’s time to rethink what a revolution could be like. This revolution to come, which is already here, calls for a general strike: stay at home, refuse to work, refuse to go to school, refuse to shop, refuse to pay rent, ‘refuse as much as possible to get sick or make others so.’ As Anne Boyer writes: ‘demonstrate in [y]our every action that the lives of the vulnerable matter, that the deaths of the sick and the elderly and the poor and imprisoned from this virus are unacceptable.’ This revolution is and will be an act of communal care, and care is always inherently revolutionary as it ‘demands that we live as though we are all interconnected’ – which, of course, we are – thus invalidating ‘the myth of the individual’s autonomy’ (Hedva).

There’s another word now in vogue, that while pointing to our essential interconnectedness, has been perverted in its preposterous use. Herd immunity is a form of indirect protection from an infectious disease that occurs when vaccination rates in a population are high enough that a pathogen stops spreading, so that even individuals who would otherwise be vulnerable, such as babies or cancer patients, are protected. The vaccinated, immune bodies shield and protect the unvaccinated or immunocompromised person. There is a direct, etymological connection between herd immunity and vaccination. The word vaccine comes from the Latin vaccinus, meaning ‘from cows’, as the first vaccine preventing smallpox was obtained by injecting people with the similar but much milder cowpox virus. Herd immunity without a vaccine is slaughter.

The expression herd immunity, as Eula Biss observes, is an unfortunate term, in that it’s difficult to sever from the image of cattle waiting to be sent to slaughter or from the associate idea of herd mentality. Biss proposes trading the metaphor of the herd for that of the hive, which evokes a networked and interdependent collectivity: ‘Honeybees are matriarchal, environmental do-gooders who also happen to be entirely interdependent.’ And we are, of course, entirely interdependent too.

This interdependence, that some want concealed, is now in full sight: from disrupted supply chains, to the vital role of postal workers, transport workers and delivery services, from the tangible obligations of care we owe to each other to the spontaneous emergence of mutual aid groups. In the midst of capitalism’s hierarchical systems of structural discriminations that show no sign of subsiding, and as governments hastily withdraw already paltry measures to shield vulnerable people, let us, the underlying, continue to build more permanent infrastructures of support and radical care.


At the time of writing, George Floyd was murdered by a police officer in Minneapolis. Floyd’s underlying health conditions were used in the coroner’s autopsy as a cover and excuse for what is clearly a case of racialized police brutality.


Elisa Adami is a researcher and writer based in London. She is a postdoctoral research fellow at UAL’s Decolonizing the Arts Institute, and a visiting lecturer at the Royal College of Art and Kingston University.


June 2nd, 2020 — Rosa Mercedes / 02

The Reconstruction of Ukraine. Ruination / Representation / Solidarity, online symposium, September 9-11, 2022. “The Reconstruction of Ukraine: Ruination / Representation / Solidarity” devotes particular attention to cities, architecture, art, culture and psychological trauma – but the scope of the conversations it aims to start is broader. In due course, the discussions held during the symposium may coalesce into myriad projects, initiatives and experiments undertaken by government institutions, municipalities, educational and cultural bodies and other more interstitial actors. The ambition of this symposium is to establish a platform for dialogue, facilitating communication, collaboration and constructive argument between diverse actors and initiatives.

George Edwards (Zetkin Collective) on war, nationalism and the “anti-climate lobby” (via Arts of the Working Class): “The latest prognosis of this particular war was spelt out in a flurry of reports from the IPCC; the most recent, described as ‘an atlas of human suffering’ by the chief of the UN, demanded ‘rapid, deep and immediate’ emissions cuts in all sectors to ensure an inhabitable planet for all. In step with the science, many wish this conflict to mark the beginning of an intensified programme of decarbonization, ridding economies of not only Russian, but all fossil fuels, wherever their geological source. But whilst political leaders scramble abroad to secure new sources of fossil fuels – sweet-talking sheiks and summoning LNG terminals from the ground – a resourceful and committed cohort, let’s call them the anti-climate lobby, refuse to accept this diagnosis. The partakers in the fossil industry have seized upon this crisis, sensing it as an opportunity to enlarge and entrench economic interests rooted in fossil fuels. As the course of action prescribed by the IPCC imperils this line of business, the attempts to secure fresh investments in fossil fuel infrastructures, to lock-in production and secure profits for the coming decades may feel all the more pressing. The solutions they pose also fit within the national frame and it is with nationalist political forces that they find their most ardent allies.”

July 31st, 2022

The fundamental difference that we face in Europe at the moment between the Western approach characterized by the pursuit of peace and the Eastern one focused on liberation and independence poses a dramatic challenge – in order to survive and progress, democracy as a political regime has to be capable of defending itself also in a military way.” Armed Democracy revolves around the concepts of imperialism, liberation, fascism, autocracy, revolution, and militarization in pursuit of the world to come on Europe’s burnt out land. Conceived by the Kyiv Biennial and Biennale Warszawa from the East Europe Biennial Alliance, this special public program, curated by Vasyl Cherepanyn within the 2nd edition of Biennale Warszawa, the program is a first part of the series organized by the East Europe Biennial Alliance discussing Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine and taking place in Warsaw, Prague, Kassel, and Riga over the summer and fall of 2022.

Olena Lyubchenko on Whiteness, Expropriation, War, and Social Reproduction in Ukraine (via LeftEast): “[…] when we hear on the news that ‘Ukraine is fighting a European war’ and ‘Ukraine is defending Europe’, amid images of fleeing ‘poor white’ women with children prioritized over racialized ‘Others’, ‘Ukraine’ is being made ‘white’ in the global imaginary. That is, “the injunction to ‘return to Europe’ by way of Europeanization is enabled and conditioned on the mythologies of Western civilization, and that Europeanization at once marks (promulgates) and unmarks (naturalizes) racial whiteness” [Nadezhda Husakouskaya and Randi Gressgård]. The paradox is that Europe’s existence as such has only been possible precisely because of the exploitation of global working peoples through expropriation of resources and today neoliberal economic reforms and reproduced by feminized labour.”

Vasyl Cherepanyn about the “inertness, hiding behind the European Wall” (via L’Internationale): “Many Western institutions that have been claiming ‘radical political engagement’ for years, have simply resorted to a white cube radicalism and self-satisfying humanitarianism, too afraid of acting politically beyond their comfort zone and unsettling their publics and authorities by attempting to affect the decision-making process regarding the Ukrainian cause.”

May 28th, 2022

Tatsiana Shchurko on the War in Ukraine, Entangled Imperialisms, and Transnational Feminist Solidarity, via LeftEast (May 2, 2022): “[An] uneven knowledge production and the many implications of the war against Ukraine reveal the dire need to develop a feminist anti-capitalist critique of multiple imperialisms. This language should grow from within the occupied and suppressed communities of Eastern Europe and Eurasia. An anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist feminist positionality grasps that the local is part of a global in an effort to build transnational connections of mutual aid and support against state and corporate violence. For example, statements of solidarity with Ukraine expressed by the International Committee of Indigenous Peoples of Russia and Native American communities along with the anti-war feminist march in Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan) on March 8, 2022, pointing out that the war in Ukraine should be of concern for a broad transnational community, may serve as instrumental examples of alternative anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist solidarities that stretch beyond state regulations and macro-politics and foreground decolonial perspectives, necessary in addressing entanglements of multiple imperialisms. Such solidarities also bring to light hidden interconnections of the past that allowed for distant communities to survive and support each other against the violence of imperialist intervention and its attendant capitalist exploitation. Thus, the march in Bishkek reminds of the socialist roots of the International Women’s Day to call for internationalist, intersectional, class solidarity against imperialism and militarism.”

Vasyl Cherepanyn on that “It’ll take more than tanks to ease Germany’s guilt” (via Politico): “Since the Soviet Union’s collapse, Germany has been imposing neocolonial optics on its Eastern European ‘peripheries,’ and on the post-Soviet space in particular, where Ukraine was long considered a gray buffer zone about which the EU was ‘deeply concerned.’ Germany didn’t bother itself much with differentiating between former Soviet countries’ pasts. Even until recently, any Ukrainian agenda in Germany was often ‘balanced’ with a Russian perspective, so as to not exclude the latter by any means.”

An unnamed anarchist and art scholar, who joined the Territorial Defense Forces, quoted by Olexii Kuchanskyi in an essay on “Digital Leviathan and His Nuclear Tail” (via Your Art and e-flux notes): “At dawn, Dima and I talked about cinema. Dima believes that cinema is inferior to literature as a means of expression because you spend much more time with a book than a film. It’s a really interesting point, something to dig into. I studied at the department of art theory & history and I never thought of it. Dima served in the military after school and worked at the factory all his life. He listens to rap, smokes pot, and tries to have fun. He is thirty-eight, his child was born last year. He likes Wong Kar-wai and is a fan of Asian cinema in general. Dima communicates by quoting Omar Khayyam, Confucius, and other awesome guys.”

April 20th, 2022
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